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Scots Independent

The Flag in the Wind
Features - James Halliday
September  2001

 Scottish Flag

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A long time ago many members were rather afraid of contesting local government elections. Everyone could see the various advantages, but some were deterred by the fact that we would inevitably become involved. in controversies and decisions on matters which had no relevance at all to our striving for independence. Not only that, but our contributions to those discussions would expose us to the delighted mischief-making of the class war parties. However, as was always bound to happen, we had to become participants and in fact have made rather a good job of our municipal activities as conducted by our colleagues around the country. We have, over the years, learned to live with the consequences of having to take sides on issues which are not especially ours; and this experience has probably stood us in good stead in Holyrood where our members are constantly required to share in decisions which are not our obvious priorities.

What we perhaps have not yet done is relax a bit. We have suffered so long from the consequences of unguarded expressions of personal opinion and public admission of internal differences, that we have been rather inclined not only to demand discretion but to expect conformity. True conformity and unity need never be demanded on our basic commitment to independence. On that, each one of us should need no discipline; and if any one of us abandon that essential commitment that person should no longer wish membership and should act accordingly.

In other words, independence is doctrine and is not negotiable. All else is policy, and that is negotiable. Not only is it negotiable but it is likely to be temporary, a response to passing circumstances. We can debate before we arrive at policy decisions, and should abide by them if properly arrived at. But there are developments and controversies going on all the time in the wider world around us on which a collective party decision has never been properly taken. On such issues some diversity of opinion must surely be permitted.

If none of us, publicly, took sides on these important but not independence-specific topics we might all sit in silent tact; but someone, exploding in his or her own enthusiasm can usually be relied upon to erupt in print or in speech, leaving those of us who disagree either to express an opposing point of view or bite our tongues for the greater good of the Party. The trouble with the latter decision is the old problem — that if you don’t get your opinion on the record the world is entitled to condude that your opinion does not exist. Years pass, and unanimity comes to be assumed.

Sometimes we have been unanimous on certain objectives, but not at all unanimous in the thought processes which brought us to our decisions. It might be — have been? — a good idea if our public statements had expressed the united conclusion but had left out the bits of the argument which may have inspired the majority but did not really command the moral or intellectual support of all.

We are, for instance, committed to sundry referendums. By now because these events have been conducted by British politicians for their own purposes, we have come to think of them as inevitable. But we have not, to my recollection, ever properly examined the notion that we must win a referendum as well as preceding elections, thus imposing on ourselves yet another handicap of which our foes can be relied upon to take full advantage. So there we have a policy. Are those of us who see referendums as a refuge for shifty party leaders who don’t want to take party responsibility for any act or programme which might be a vote-loser, are we to be categorised as in breach of party policy and not worthy of membership?

Do we really feel that those who act for us in such matters as the settling and functioning of frontiers are doing so on principles that we support? None of our business, you might say. Irrelevant to our independence prospects. Perhaps divisive. Very possibly so, but our representatives will at times have, to comment and even vote on such matters. Look at the British squeals, because Alex Salmond was wise and honest on Kosovo; and what do you think of these squeals now that the victors have come to menace Macedonia?

We have never been good at foreign affairs and our decisions have all too often been dictated by the wishes of powerful personalities who have known where they, personally, stood on such issues and have swept along in their wake all who were willing to be guided by them.

As we now have a Parliament which is functioning; as we seem to be in an unfamiliar kind of interval when no major election is just around the corner, and free speech is less likely to damage our prospects; as we might properly now be able to draw a distinction between policy and doctrine; and as the merit of month by month comments on the Party’s work from such out-of-touch sources as myself is open to question, let’s consider one or two of these wider political problems which affect us as individuals from which even independence will not offer a refuge.

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