What
an awful mess
No, hopefully not the Flag in the
Wind. Although, if it is, it's only
down to it being my first week on
board!
I'm - of course - talking about the
state of the Labour Party in
Scotland. Across the nation, SNP
members huddle in bunches to ask
each other "What the **** is Wendy
up to? And can she please keep it
up?".
Now, anyone with any interest in
Scottish politics couldn't have
failed to notice the furore
surrounding Labour's policy on a
referendum. But things have moved so
far, so fast, I thought it would be
worthwhile doing a quick recap.
Things started off that the Labour
Party's official agreed position was
that it wouldn't support a
referendum on Scottish Independence
in any circumstance. This was nice
and easy to understand - even the
lowliest West of Scotland Labour
councillor understood it - although
not terribly helpful to us or fair
to ra people.
To this end, the Unionist parties
organised the Calman Commission.
Made up only of unionists, including
someone who was apparently only
included because of a stint on Big
Brother, its remit was to look at
options for the future of Scotland -
although the independence option was
off limits to the commission from
the start.
The
wind started to change when Stephen
Purcell, leader of Glasgow City
Council gave an interview to
Holyrood magazine, published on 20th
April, admitting that independence
was a valid option in the
constitutional debate. Looking back,
it seems incredible now that the
Labour Party argued that it wasn't!
Purcell's comments signalled a
seismic shift in the way some
Labourites treat the independence
option.
However, the bomb was really dropped
on 4th May. After disastrous English
local election results, Wendy
Alexander appeared on the Politics
Show and claimed the SNP were
running scared from a referendum,
and so causing discord and
uncertainty over Scotland's future.
She laid down a clear challenge to
the government to "bring it on" -
that is, an independence referendum.
(wendy pic here)
There are a number of theories why
Wendy would choose to announce her
new policy when she did -
apparently, the policy had been in
gestation for nine months before it
was brought into the world. The
Labour Party's poor showing in the
Westminster mid-term elections may
have persuaded Labour at Holyrood of
the need to put some clear tartan
water between themselves and Brown.
They also may have got tired of
being junior partners to a
Westminster cabinet that's lost it's
grip on reality, as shown by the 10p
tax rate debacle. Team Wendy may
have felt the need to produce some
bold new policy statements to draw a
line under what's been a rocky start
to her leadership; there's also the
question of whether or not Stephen
Purcell was flying a kite for Wendy;
did she jump into a new policy
before she was pushed into a
leadership challenge?
This led to a week of Labour party
figures appearing on current affairs
shows making like headless chickens.
First Wendy said Gordon Brown
approved the new strategy; which he
later denied at Prime Minister's
Question Time. One UK minister said
the issue was discussed at cabinet,
but another said this wasn't the
case. Claim met counter claim.
Denial, confusion, infighting and
defeat ravaged the Labour Party like
the political Four Horsemen of the
Apocalypse.
So, just over a week on, where are
we now? The Labour MSP group appear
to have grouped around Wendy's
position, supporting a referendum.
The Labour MPs, including Wendy's
own brother, are apparently sticking
with the reasoning that a referendum
will play into the hands of the SNP.
There
have been some heroic efforts by
Labour loyalists to attempt to
persuade us that these two positions
are entirely consistent with each
other. These have been entirely
undermined by Labour figures, named
and anonymous, tearing into each
other in Sunday's papers. Wendy is a
"political pygmy" and faces calls to
resign. Gordon is a "ditherer", and
is likely to face calls to resign
soon. More importantly to the Daily
Mail, Cherie announced she and Tony
had a bonk when they were a guest of
the Queen at Balmoral.
Since then, everything has gone
quiet. To the Labour Party's credit,
they've stopped slagging each other
in the papers. To their discredit,
this meant that Monday's evening
Scottish news was made up of a
lengthy report about Rangers fans in
Manchester, followed by a story
about a panda and another about a
nesting seagull.
So, where are we now? Questions over
what is and isn't the Labour party's
official position remain unanswered.
Gordon Brown is the leader of Labour
in both the UK and Scotland. Wendy
is the leader of the Labour group of
MSPs; to most people, it would
appear untenable for them to hold
different positions on such a key
issue for the future of Scotland.
Scottish Labour's website maintains
a mysterious silence on the
referendum question - to be fair,
they maybe couldn't find space for
any items that were about
themselves, as opposed to the SNP.
Despite it's main architect backing
an option it wasn't allowed to
consider, the Calman Commission
trundles on. Much like the guy from
Big Brother, it's purpose is
dubious.
More
importantly for nationalists,
there's the question of whether or
not the events of the last month
have brought independence closer. I
would argue, yes. That the Labour
Party has now split into having
different Scottish and UK policies
on the question of a referendum can
only be a good thing for Scotland's
right to self determination (so much
for devolution killing nationalism
stone dead!).
Scottish Parliament Labour are now
arguing that the SNP are running
scared from an independence
referendum and are trying to pick a
time to best suit them. But,
apparently oblivious to the
hyprocrisy, they argue that their
pro-referendum policy announcement
was timed to when it would best suit
the Labour party, as that's
"leadership". Labour's accusations
that the SNP are afraid are hollow;
after all, the SNP have had a long
time to work out how to build up to
an independence referendum and the
debates that need to happen in both
civic Scotland, the business
community and, most importantly, the
wider public. A full debate can only
be the best thing for both Scotland
and independence. The SNP have a
fixed timetable that the presented
as a policy in their manifesto,
which it would be anti-democratic to
overturn. But Labor's support for a
referendum now means they would look
very silly to vote against one when
a bill is put to the Scottish
Parliament; they wouldn't be so much
doing a u-turn as making multiple
turns round a roundabout. The 2010
referendum? Bring it on.
Doomsday

I had the dubious pleasure of going
to see Doomsday, a Scottish-set
blockbuster released last week.I was
keen to see it because some of the
film was shot in my ward, and
because the film dealt - in an over
the top way - with Scotland's
relationship with the rest of the
UK.
For those unfamiliar with Doomsday,
the premise is that there's been
some sort of killer virus outbreak
in Scotland which is contained by
the UK authorities by re-building
Hadrian's wall into a huge space-age
style structure, and locking all the
Scots in to die. However, the virus
turns up in London, and then it's
revealed by the PM's office that
there are some Scottish survivors of
the first outbreak. A team of crack
commandoes is dispatched to Scotland
to search for a cure, and finds that
the Scots, cut off from the rest of
the world, have descended into a
primitive society where cannabalism
and bad haircuts are rife. (doomsday
pic here)
Now, that may sound like a party
political broadcast by any of the
unionist parties, like a sort of
reverse Braveheart (apart
from that, in the film, the rest of
the world turns its back on Britian
over the treatment of the Scottish
nation, leading to mass
unemployment. It also, bizarrely,
leads to women on boats taking
shotguns with them when they have a
bath). But any sort of attempt at
political relevance, even in a
tongue in cheek way, is thin on the
ground.
There was a lot of gore, however.
I'm not really into gory films, so
spent some of the movie staring at
my feet. What made up for it was the
rest of Doomsday made no sense in an
unintentionally hilarious way. There
is no obvious source of power or
petrol, yet the Glaswegians arrange
festivals with Tennants lager,
motorbikes, strippers, 80s pop
music, a brightly lit stage and,
best of all, a troupe of fat men
dancing around in cheap kilts. Herds
of thousands of cows roam the
countryside around Glasgow, yet none
of the crack commandos notice them
until they run one over. North of
the Central Belt, people decide to
live like a medieval re-enactment
society, apparently for no reason
apart from that the filmmakers
fancied having some knights in
armour somewhere in the feature.
I won't go into it too much, in case
anyone else is planning to go and
see it and I spoilt the "plot" - and
I use the word in the loosest
possible way. But anyone who takes
it seriously is as daft as the
storyline.
One
year on
Congratulations to all the
councillors and MSPs who are
celebrating their first year as
elected representatives. Personally,
I've found it a steep but manageable
learning curve. I'm still really
enthusiastic about being a
councillor, and next year can only
be better than last, as I've now had
time to find my way around council
committees, set up surgeries, and
just generally learn more about how
the council works in practice.
One question that I've had a couple
of times is, you all believe in
Independence - what's that got to do
with being a councillor? Well,
councillors operate on the ground in
communities to build trust in the
SNP. In opposition - as in Glasgow -
we do our best to do a good job for
our constituents whenever we can.
Ok, we can't control policy, but we
can listen to people and make sure
we make a difference. In
administration, the SNP can use the
powers of local government to
improve services for the local area
in a bigger, but more challenging
way, than they can do in opposition.
Having SNP councillors out there
building trust and making things
happen in the community means that
people are more likely to trust us
on independence.
Belief in independent thought and
decentralisation is also important
to a councillor in another central
way. In Glasgow, I've found that the
Labour councillors tend to talk at
people and tell them what they ought
to want, rather than hearing what
they actually have to say about what
they feel could make a difference to
their local area. This approach is
hardly empowering to individuals or
communities. Personally, I've found
people appreciate having a
councillor who actually listens and
then forms an opinion, rather than a
councillor who tries to talk over
them about their personal hobby
horse.